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Topics for psychology thesis paper

Topics for psychology thesis paper capstone project northeastern for money gt capital holdings annual report ´╗┐my name is Tricia Rose I'm the director for the center here at Brown and we hold a variety of kinds of events on race ethnicity on inequality and social justice on creative expression and and I want to encourage you if you have didn't find this from our mailing list to sign up on our mailing list outside and make sure you are aware of other things that come up so I want to thank you for coming on a Friday afternoon and I want to thank our amazing guests this is a fantastic group of people who were probably busy before November but it might be a little extra busy now after November and so I'm very grateful that they would come here and share their insights with us it's an honor and a delight for sure and although I will say that our we did plan this before the Trump election we didn't know how useful it was going to be and how critical it was going to be until until that fateful day before I introduce the brains behind this operation I want to thank the staff because it's CSR ei we as they say metaphorically punch way above our weight and that's mainly probably almost entirely due to the best possible staff anyone could have so I want to thank them both a lot because by the time you get to April you know it's a very tough exhausting period of time and things are always done really perfectly so I really want to thank them a great deal but I mostly want to thank Joe Liddy Mattel's who is just a fantastic postdoctoral fellow at the asari a nearing the end of her two-year appointment here sadly but she's been a great community member citizen participant and seminars in the classroom and art exhibits and the brains behind this operation one of the things we try to do is see us Rea is give our postdoctoral fellows opportunities to envision programs and colleagues around themes and topics that are especially relevant for their research and that play an important role on campus where I'd not suggest have everything be my personal muse I could but it wouldn't be it would only entertain me and this would have happened anyway but Julie and I thought about this for quite a while and and she did most of the intellectual heavy lifting so I want to thank her a great deal for that is very very generous so let me introduce you lady and she will introduce the event more specifically professor Dylan team Atmos received her PhD in political science from the Ohio State University she's currently a presidential postdoctoral fellow based both in Watson and at the Center for the Study of race and ethnicity in America her research on public opinion on restrictive immigration policy stems from both a personal and professional investment in the topic she's currently working on her first book where she examines contemporary immigration laws and policies and argues that they that these policies should be understood within a historical context that recognizes the centrality of racial formation and the connections between different racial projects in the continual imagining of America and Americans her project traces the more contemporary and internal flow of the Latino latina immigrants to different parts of the US and in the fall of 2017 our very own Johnny Mathis will be an assistant professor at Rutgers New Brunswick in the Department of Political Science and Latino and for being studies please join me in welcoming to latina [Applause] thank you so much for being here today and for your time Thank You Tricia for that lovely introduction and also thank you to the staff at CSR ei and our co-sponsors as well the Topman Center they're looking up studies funds and the Department of American siting phonetic studies so today I'm going to briefly just frame the event and give you a sense of sort of my thinking around why I want to have this event as well as introduce to you our keynote speaker a little bit later I'll introduce to you our panelists US immigration policies alongside other race-based policies have been used to define who is who is included and who is excluded from the American polity given this history who has who who what happened the key immigration policies that have ultimately defined Americanism what role have raised an ethnicity plays in the history of immigration policies and how do we understand our current political social and economic situation in other words how did we get here and how do we move forward in such a racially tense environment these are some of the questions that motivate me to organize the composing of scholars whose expertise can elucidate the answers to some of these questions immigration within the contemporary political discourse is situated as a main source of insecurities as an issue immigration is supplied to address the insecurities of American borders the US border state lines neighborhood and county orders as well as a more figurative ones such as bodies conversations about immigration border national security upon closer examination aren't parts about a long game in fast immigration of the United States has has been and continues to be about the delineations of foundering boundaries and belonging by definition immigration to limits American national identity in his books to be an American cultural pluralism and the rhetoric of assimilation bill on cane argues that anecdote the current cycle of nativism comes at a time when immigration is dominated by Asians and Latinos as a result the discussion of who is and who is not American and who can and cannot become American goes beyond the technicalities of citizenship and residency requirements it strikes at the very heart of our nation's long and troubled history and legacy of race relations entacle American national identity is a cultural and political identity that defines the discursive parameters of who belongs and who does not belong borders then become a spatial site where national security is an active and performed these borders but of physical or the imagined kind are the sites in which immigration battles are flopped and Americanist is contested Lilia Fernandez and her books Brown in the Windy City Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in post-war Chicago reminds us that Latinos as no racial identity as possibly brown can broaden our understanding of race in America however she also states that American struggle to grasp Latinos as a population she says and I quote some continue to see Latinos and Latinas as recent arrivals newcomers needing assimilation or at worst illegitimate members of American society such characterizations are surely informed not just by ongoing immigration but also by the perplexing and seemingly incomprehensible as no racial identity of Latinos and Latinas and folks we continue to witness Professor finances observations across many ethno racial groups in America ultimately Fernandez's work reiterates professor king's argument about the importance of race and conversation and immigration and migration alongside the emergence of the fight over American myth has been an emergence of the DeLand system by both authorized members of the community but also by private citizens Americans have been especially vigilant against those who do not fit their imagines community which then gets described as protecting American value rather than the more accurate description racism official legislation whether an acciden are like the USA patriarchy 287 G and Secure Communities program discursively construct South Asians Muslim and Arab Americans as well as Latinos as a prime target of vigilantism moreover conceptions of these laws often defined the parameters of an imagined community that places immigrants regardless of immigration status or birthplace on the outskirts of American national identity this then results in the treatment of such groups as unamerican and does not deserving of right security and protection in more recent years we have seen the emergence and importance of geopolitics and geography more broadly visa vie immigration acts of violence continue to be reported across the country not just at the US border as a country we've witnessed a flow of immigrants away from cities known as immigrant hubs a lesser-known communities and counties and more rural areas and states like Alabama and Utah with the move to more white spaces vigilantism anti-immigrant sentiments and state-level immigration legislation have emerged professor burakov scholarly work in particular her book making the San Fernando Valley rural landscapes urban development and white privilege is important given her focus on whiteness and how whiteness gets described envisioned and defined by space and place her examination of the socio spatial construction of whiteness allowed us as readers and scholars to ask questions such as what happens when non-white bodies move into spaces that have been constructed as white her suggestions that and I quote efforts to shape and influence policy or crucial price for the formation and negotiation of identity and quote it's currently being played out in Ocala T's across the country the United States is a country with contradictory values and legacies on the one hand the US has always considered itself a nation of immigrants America has welcomed immigrants whether German Irish Catholic or Protestant and opens its doors to opportunity on the other hand America has a distinct racial legacy one of exclusionary racial racial projects how do we begin to unpack the ways in which America's racial legacy overrides its nation of immigrants discourse professor Perry argues in her recent book the cultural politics of u.s. immigration gender race and medium that even though and I quote pluralism is celebrated as a national value yet the diversity that immigrants carry over the border has been perceived as a threat to the complexion economy and unity of the nation making immigration a perpetual topic of debates and scope professor Perry's work brings the perspective that takes into account both race and gender as well as popular culture in arguing that law and culture are not separate or rather interrelated spheres in light of present present day immigration laws executive orders related demonstrations and protests I aim to put together a group of scholars that are well equipped to answer pertinent and timely questions in particular the event is interested in asking how immigration laws of the past continues to affect our country today for examples what legacies are has Erica and IRI are left and how are these policies being amended and used today and what futures will be ease and more contemporary policies and executive orders fashions in light of such an already traumatic 20:17 how might we forge a way forward what is the future of the u.s. immigration regime the keynote speaker and our panelists bring with them vast knowledge from interdisciplinary perspectives including history American Studies cultural and ethnic studies and legal studies as a way to begin to answer these questions now without further ado I am honored to introduce to you our keynote speaker professors bill on King bill on hang is a professor of law and director of the immigration and deportation defense clinic at the University of San Francisco he teaches immigration policy rebellious lawyering negotiation and evidence he is the author of numerous academic and practice oriented books and articles on immigration and community laureen's his books include borders NASA globalization and Mexican migration supporting our souls values morality and immigration policy defining America through immigration policies and making and remaking Asian America through immigration policies his booked to be an American culture pluralism and the rhetoric of assimilation received the award for outstanding academic book in 1997 by the librarians journal choice he was he has written married of law reviews and journal articles in a variety of venues including the journals law economics and policy the Stanford Journal of law and policy as well as opinion pieces and blog posts and venues such as Huffington Post the Los Angeles Times and The New York Times he was also called co-counsel co-counsel in the president's setting Supreme Court of silent cases I&S versus Tortosa from CEQA professor he is a founder of and continues to volunteer as general counsel for the immigrant legal Resource Center in San Francisco he serves on the National Advisory Council of the asian-american Justice Center in Washington DC throughout his career professor bill on cane pursuit social justice through a combination of community work litigation and scholarships professor King has been the awardee of many honors including the lifetime achievement award by the central Ngongotaha keepers of the American dream award national immigration forum by the National Immigration forum and the tool grinder public service award by the San Francisco Legal Aid Society most recently he was an honoree at the 2017 rebellious lawyering conference where his work was celebrated in my graduate and postgraduate career professor James word has been invaluable crucial and incredibly timely it was it is with great honor that I introduce to you our keynote speaker professor Galante [Applause] all right see if I can figure the time so thank you for that generous introduction and congratulations on your new appointment that's such a thrilling time in your career and thank you to dr. Rose for the invitation I'm going to put her on the spot and incorporate her in my opening remarks so I want you to think back a few days or a few weeks before the November elections and be honest with us what were you thinking a few days or a few weeks before the election what were you thinking of doing and spending your time on before the election be on it there you go woman after my own heart as a matter of fact absolutely so yeah week before the general election I was on a conference call with the policy team of an immigrant legal resource center they have an office in Washington and people in the Central Valley in San Francisco and we were our plan we were planning on how to push how the LRC staff could push the contemplated new administration to for example stop throwing so-called criminal immigrants under the bus - for example expand to maintain the defense of data that Obama had proposed and that was being hung up in the courts to expand prosecutorial discretion a few days before the election in typical kind of academic fashion and I'm thinking okay when am I going to on partial sabbatical this year am I going to find a time to finish the book that I'm working on criticizing the Obama administration for the treatment of unaccompanied children from Central America and I think I can figure out how to do that and still work on this text book that I'm working with Jennifer Chacon and and Kevin Johnson on that that's the academic in me and then the day before the election at UCLA I was invited to the network for justice planning summit that was sponsored by the American Bar Association that was titled welcome - whew - the future of Latinos and it was a interdisciplinary research initiative and this is the Monday before the election and we had so much work that we completed that day in terms of the planning teams that were going to be working on issues and we had students that were excited on work working with us on different projects and haven't heard from them again the day after the election I got a call from one of my former colleagues at UC Davis a woman named Ofra Ashura poor who lives in San Francisco she does this crazy commuted to Davis that I used to do and it's it's Wednesday afternoon she calls me up and says bill I I need you to come over to the elementary school that I take my kids to in Noe Valley in San Francisco parents arrived at school this morning and crying with their children they're worried that Trump is coming to deport them and I'm not exaggerating I have been back to that school now three times in addition to a multitude of other schools neighborhoods community events that kind of thing that I'll loot to a little bit more in a second so what I want to do today is is talk and compare what some of trumps proposals are what he's actually done with was what I've seen in my lifetime and a little bit of what we've all learned about prior to our lifetimes and see where we are I want to talk about the reports of widespread fear and whether or not looking at that's true [Music] and why is there fear if there is fear in this area is there fear is the fear justified and these types of closing remarks that you see on here so let me just dive right into it because that is a lot that I want to talk about today and these are some of the things that I want to review very quickly in the beginning of my presentation that the president has either implemented or proposed and I'll talk about each one of them a little bit more clearly in a minute some were alluded to in the introduction so as we know he's now on version 2.0 of the travel ban and the the travel of the initial travel ban targeted seven countries and at very very loose language about not allowing in any one from those seven countries of the Middle East in pretty much period not allowing anyone so it was written in such a broad manner that it included people with lawful permanent resident status with so-called green card status which we all know they're not green cards anymore and and also people who already had visas in hand that they wouldn't be able to enter as well and really that it was written that broadly and immediately at least four different federal district courts across the country put a halt to those travel bans as being and having two or three problems one there was a constitutional problem in terms of the First Amendment the First Amendment is not just about speech it's got a establishment of religion prohibition in it as well and and so the evidence that the judges accepted in in enjoining stopping the initial travel ban on the First Amendment ground was evidence out of Trump's own mouth that his intent from the primaries through after the election through discussions with former mayor Giuliani was that he wanted to stop Muslims from any the country and the evidence of mayor Giuliani saying this is why I was asked to do and this is what you see as a result of being asked to draft the parameters of a Muslim ban and several other comments that his inner circle had made so that was a problem with the First Amendment ground that it was a violation of a Santa Clause then there's a technical problem that every president has including President Obama how much are you authorized to do as the executive how much can you yourself implement the federal immigration laws and you are charged with the responsibility for enforcing the immigration laws so how far can you go when you enforce the immigration laws and and his argument hung on a provision of the law section 212 F of the immigration Nationality Act that says that the president can actually go after classes of aliens they're coming to do us harm and can suspend their entry now think about that for a moment if that's what the language is that you can suspend the entry of those that are coming to do us harm you can do that the problem is that when you name an entire country that's when former acting Attorney General Sally Yates said timeout here mr. president I cannot defend at because there's evidence that people have entered from those seven countries that are not coming here to do us harm and so sure enough when she got fired for that of course but sure enough that's what the four district court said you're defining it too broadly you cannot say that everybody from those seven countries is coming to do us harm and during that period of time of course our own military stood up for Iraqi nationals and and pointed to examples of folks they had worked with in Iraq and how helpful they were and and that it was crazy to try to exclude everybody from Iraq and so version 2.0 drops Iraq for that reason but everything else pretty much stayed the same except that they also made it clear now that somebody with a green card lawful permanent resident status and people with visas in hand are not covered by the ban but again it honestly it doesn't take a lawyer to figure this out he's now saying everyone from six countries are coming here to do us harm and again they can't win that argument they can't win that argument now there are three federal judges that have agreed with what I just said there's one federal judge in Virginia that does not agree with what I just said and so so there's a three-to-one split in federal court opinions I'm 100% confident that when this gets to the court of appeals in what's called a Ninth Circuit which covers the western states they'll reach the same conclusion in three as what they did back in January or February and time will tell whether or not the federal court of appeals that covers Virginia what it will do but in the meantime nothing has been implemented right now and I imagine that until President Trump narrows his hack on certain groups to the in the manner that President Obama and President Bush did he actually will not have that statutory authority and how they did it was they named specific terrorist organizations I didn't agree with them but by naming specific terror organizations that at least have a factual chance of supporting the band naming six countries is just way over inclusive and a violation of the cortex people protection clause in addition to the statutory authority so what's it reminiscent of in terms of comparative stuff well I'm not going to talk about the easing exclusion laws but I was around I started practicing immigration law in 1974 in 1979 many of you saw the movie Argo a couple years ago when the Iranian students took over the US Embassy in Tehran for more than a year in response to that President Carter ordered the largest group of f1 students in the United States to report to immigration and naturalization service that largest group was Iranian since they were the largest f1 student group in the United States at the time they all had to come in in a report they did not all get deported but many of them did those that were under either had worked without permission off campus or were taking 11 units instead of the required 12 units or whatever it takes to have a full load they were deported highly technical violations and so that was there were two separate courts of Appeal decisions on the legality of that roundup and they were deemed it was deemed within the president's authority to call in people of a specific race to determine or nationality to determine whether or not they were in compliance with their student visas and that was that was sustained and then of course we don't all need much reminding about post 9/11 that that under the Patriot Act and and other independent actions of the department justice which at that time control the Immigration and Naturalization Service is right before Department of Homeland Security was established there were also calls for people from Muslim countries on non-immigrant visas to come into the United come in to I&S many disappeared for days and something called the NCS program a national entry and exit registry program was established it wasn't until the Obama administration that was removed and that's all been upheld where again it's similar to the Iranian situation people in those visa categories can be asked to come in to have their visas reviewed so it's not exactly a travel ban but the idea of bringing in people particular nationalities is similar his call for so-called extreme vetting has got a lot of people puzzled because there's already extreme vetting there's a terrorist that began with George Bush and expanded under President Obama there's a terrorist watch database as an immigrant violator database there's grounds of inadmissibility every immigrant a non-immigrant applicant to the United States has to go through very rigorous application process and a laundry list of grounds of inadmissibility whose fingerprinting involved there's interviews involved and honestly of people are wondering what more can you do to so-called vet people and I think it's more smoke and mirrors this language the refugee process alone takes two to three years to get a refugee visa it involves not just the unit United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees but it involves the Department of Justice once not once but twice gets DOJ generally and then it's FBI separately then it's the Department of Homeland Security and its Department of State and so there's just no way that the screening hasn't been strong in the refugee could you know I'm not a big admirer of George Bush but he wasn't that stupid you know the people that work for him they they were trying to figure out if anyone was trying to come us do us harm and and Obama was right up there in terms of vetting expedited removal is is something that is it's a process where you can deport basically remove somebody without a hearing in front of an immigration judge and the law provides that anyone what was lived here for less than two years can be subject to expedited removal the President Obama we loved chastising and labeling the DePorter in chief but still wishing we had him back for some reason the he his numbers were way up there in large part because of expedited removal for anyone within a hundred yards of the border including I might add a lot of Mexican unaccompanied children that are treated differently than unaccompanied children from Honduras Guatemala and El Salvador for technical reasons dealing with trafficking laws and and and so but he limited it to a hundred miles anyone caught within 100 miles of the border who had been here for less than two years trump has announced he's taking this kind of dormant provision and expanding it to anywhere in the United States if an interior memo that was issued on January 25th executive order says that anyone caught who has lived here for less than two years anywhere in the United States will be subject to expedited removal and that's pretty clever because the law can be read in a way that permits that and it actually is an example of the fact that there are a handful of people that are advising him on immigration matters who know what they're doing the most notable one is Kris Kobach's who is currently the Attorney General of Kansas Vegas and he was the author of Arizona's sb1070 was the author of Alabama's HB 56 I can go on and on he's a professional consultant to governments for authoring anti-immigrant immigration laws he authored a couple ordinances for example that would make it unlawful to rent to undocumented immigrants that guy thing and so Kris Kobach's is he came up with this and some of the more smarter proposals but at any rate we have seen it but this is different we we have an active scene that implemented yet but that's a proposal and so when we do our know your rights presentations we tell people three things minimally one we're like rent right to remain silent to don't carry any evidence that you were not born in the United States and three at home if you live here for more than two years keep a file of evidence that you've lived here for more than two years credible fear processing applies to people that are fleeing for violence and it can be the text that we see in our clinic at USF all we represent actually are Central Americans and its domestic gang or or cartel violence and you have to when you arrive at the border you're screened and not by an immigration judge but by the Border Patrol or some other immigration agent and they're supposed to give you a preliminary screening but not demand evidence that you're going to be persecuted and there's criticism that Obama's folks applied it to stringently but now Trump has announced that they're really going to clamp down on people approaching at the border and there's right before the election and then right after the election the screening got worse at San Ysidro and Nogales of it's very difficult to get in now it was a shion's have been trying to get in through that court of those ports of entries and and others from Central America and they're running to brick walls we have special project related to that so President Obama loved making speeches about deporting gangbangers and serious felons and and talking about what was his phrase I'm trying to remember that we're going to deport gangbangers and serious felons not families members implying that they don't have families which of course is a problem and and President Obama did engage in operations where they would go in with warrants for individuals and while they're his eyes did ask people who happen to be there also for their immigration papers what would be called collateral arrest so there were some people that were not criminals many people that were not criminals that were arrested and deported by the Obama administration but that is one thing that Trump wants to expand greatly and he's beginning with the expansion of the definition of criminal immigrants his definition of criminal immigrants in the executive orders is anyone who's just been arrested and not yet convicted that's a criminal immigrant and and why does that make a difference the reason that makes a difference is because the vast majority of of County and City Police Department's cooperate with ice the vast majority are very willing and is it related to the topic of the threat of defunding sanctuary cities they when they think somebody is undocumented they'll call ice up the vast majority of law enforcement officials in the country do that and and so Obama in cure your deportation figures were about 1250 per month not the border but interior deportation figures under Obama was 1,250 per month those were almost all referrals from local law enforcement officials you can be sure that that number is going to increase and track at Syracuse University tra C it's an acronym for something they keep data on on immigration enforcement and so we're waiting for the new data to come up and they will also engage in collateral arrests and I'll look to this in a minute again but the the enforcement activities that have occurred so far around the country have somewhat been related to people who are on a list and it could be criminal and of course they're asking everyone else at the apartment building or at the work site for their immigration documents he pledged Trump pledged to deport millions of undocumented immigrants and as I said so far and people can correct me if I'm right do try to keep track of this there haven't been the types of large rates that I'll tell you about in a minute and but that doesn't mean that they won't do that one thing for sure is that I many ice employees have been waiting for this day they they were pissed off at Obama for daca and the Madaba didn't like prosecutorial discretion and they sued Obama saying you're not allowing us to do our work they always got thrown out of court that the ice suits always got thrown out of court but they've been waiting to be unleashed like Dobermans and you know so let's wait and see just how many of these kinds of rates actually occurred in the past of course we've seen a lot of raids the Palmer Raids what political rage aimed at at workers those well one day that a million workers in the United States went out and strike can you imagine because they wanted to organize and this was a way of attacking union organizing the most infamous one was in January 2nd 1920 in one day there were raids all across the country and 3,000 people were arrested on one one day and and we're talking it was mostly immigrant workers that were part of that which is kind of interesting right because that's what unions are relying on today our immigrant leaders what's left of unions the Mexican repatriation is a lot been written on that in the last few years probably about another million people were deported under in this era and what is most mind-boggling is that two-thirds were US citizens let me review that two-thirds were US citizens that were asked to leave the country of course it's illegal to deport u.s. citizen but the course into leaving repatriation was a euphemism for deportation and you know so again I'm looking ahead but you think there's fear now well you know I think they were fear back then operation wetback another million folks were deported in 1954 primarily Mexicans as a precursor to building up the bracero program fear the bush raids gun-toting raids at work sites in particular were very common there was a December 2016 20 2006 of there was one raid one day of race was planted all the six Swift SMS wif t-swift meet popped packing plants around the country they're mostly in rural parts of the united states 6,000 workers were detained again half of the detainees that they were US citizens now they didn't all get deported but they were detained for anywhere from four to eight hours well their data was checked and it was the big lawsuits after that Obama and Janet Napolitano who was DHS secretary promised not to do those raids types of rays and they pretty much kept to that promise except for these criminal kind of situations he engaged more in silent raids and that's taking a briefcase to the personnel office of businesses that they thought employed undocumented immigrants and checking I nine forms we all have to fill out an i-9 one and they do have legal access to i9 records and they don't have to get three days notice to the employer we're coming in to do an i-9 audit when there's not a match with a Social Security number and names they then sent a no-match letter to the employer and say you got to fire these people or clear this up or fire these people a lot of people lost jobs they didn't get deported a lot of people got lost jobs so this has been in the news he puts a bid out side I've lost track of what coming billions at suppose cause with billions and double-digit billions and virtual fence bids are not acceptable but let's let's not forget I mean there was a 2006 fence Act that passed I think it passes Santa 82:6 Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama boy voted for the fence act okay and it didn't all get built it was not much enthusiasm for funding the whole thing even among Republicans it was not that much enthusiasm the exotic could handle it virtually but operation gate keeper which is in early 1990 that this is the part that that I continued to the state could be most upset about of among the different things that I was upset about this is the thing that I'm most upset about when it comes to immigration enforcement because Bill Clinton set up a deathtrap that they closed off the parts of the border that were most easy to traverse expecting that people will then they'll be discouraged losing sight of why people come here they don't come here for adventure or to visit Disneyland I mean they're coming honestly they don't have a choice usually and and I've lost count I shouldn't have I think it's over 6,000 deaths at the border unnecessary we don't we don't have to set this up in a way that we know people are going to die and the walls going to continue to do that people will still try to enter out of desperation they will die in the summer in Arizona they will die in the winter in the mountains and that's on us those of you are dying because of us because we put people in these positions to enforce the border that way and that is the most shameful thing that's happened in my career as an immigration attorney to a7g agreements which were alluded to these are up this is a partnership between local law enforcement and the federal government where the federal government says we will defeat eyes you to help us enforce immigration laws and give you some money to do that under Bush I think at one point there were at least 70 such agreements around the country Obama reduced it to about 30 because it was so much that went wrong especially along the lines of what Sheriff Joe Arpaio did in Arizona which completely racial profiling that that kind of thing what Trump has made a new commitment to expanding the 287g agreement what kind of kooky about it is that a lot of the local sheriff's departments want to do this because they think that it's a moneymaker but that can end up losing money because they actually have to put money up front and to do the enforcement and they put in for reimbursement and they're not getting reimbursed at the rate that they thought and so there's there's a lot of of news reports on some counties being skeptical because they're gonna lose money again the security community sparring it was also alluded to it's a it's a finger print sharing program that was expanded honestly under the Obama administration it started a little bit under Bush but it was fully expanded under Obama what it is is that whenever a police department arrests someone and fingerprints them the fingerprints automatically go to the FBI that's that's an act of due diligence they want to make sure that the person the table rested isn't an absconder or is wanted by someone else and so so they do that Obama and Bush said well since we have the fingerprints in the department of justice why can't we get access to those fingerprints from the Department of Homeland Security to check on their immigration status and so in fact there's a couple great reports on Secure Communities program that have indicated that many people who got deported that way there was when there was no fingerprints the vast majority of people deported were not serious criminals there were minor offenders or were never offenders and one of the big advocacy advocacy groups that advocated against in favor of closing down secure communities we're actually organizations that were victims that represent victims of domestic violence because when when what I've heard is that when there's a call to the police on a domestic violence situation the police often don't really know exactly who's the victim and who's the perpetrator so they often fingerprint both parties and once the fingerprint goes to the FBI and so there have definitely been victims of domestic violence who were deported because because of secure communities so he didn't close it down Obama until November 2014 but Trump has pledged to reinstituted fully the sanctuary city funding threat is something that it's a it's become a big deal because some cities are afraid that they're going to lose federal funding and San Francisco I think I may be not looking at it globally is kind of at the center of this in part because there was a bad shooting in San Francisco in the middle of the primaries there was an innocent woman who just happened to be walking with her parents doing tourist stuff and there was a bullet that was shot from a gun that ricocheted from the sidewalk and killed her and it was allegedly and I documented immigrant who had stole a gun from a car and it was somebody who the police had turned over who didn't turn over because he didn't have any serious criminal record and so at that time there was a call for defunding sanctuary cities of any federal funds it that legislation didn't get anywhere I think that was the summer of 2015 maybe you know 2015 and the but now Jeff Sessions and Trump have threatened to defund sanctuary cities and San Francisco is one of the target Santa Clara County of New Haven actually a couple of other places like that and without getting into too technical the government will lose the federal government will not win this case they the Supreme Court I am predicting even would Gorsuch on will hold that this threat is a violation of a Tenth Amendment you cannot force state and local officials to do your federal work and to it's a violation also the spending clause you can condition federal spending on certain things with notice but the penalty can only be five to ten percent and so you cannot hold back entirely so that's that's my prediction so the what's occurred again I'm not sure if I'm living in a state where there's what this is distorted okay but there's a lot of fear in immigrant communities and there's a lot of different headlines of course and and you can hear about it you can and because of that there's been a lot of know your rights presentations even family emergency plans that are part of know your rights presentations it's it's signing Guardian temporary guardianship papers in case you cannot pick up your kids at school where in case you're not there to make medical decisions but that's part of the packet that we present to people why well this is something that you all know as well as I do I he's everywhere right talking about this so well I'm sure his poll numbers are going to go up after what he did yesterday but he's got a lot of support for his anti-immigrant stuff he was elected on an antic he it's kind of a seeming seemingly reckless immigration enforcement media coverage is constant social media I mean even Latinos college you know that they hear about these things on Facebook you know kinda thing and I don't think that the Obama deportation stuff or the bush deportation stuff was covered quite as much and besides that they would both occasionally say good things about the immigrants even Bush and Bush wanted to have I didn't like it but he talked about having a massive guest worker program because she thought that we need low wage low income workers I I think I'm putting on here that that that the fear and hysteria acting might be good we I might be contributing to the fear and and my allies might be yeah because there's such a big network of allies immigrants groups that highlight these things one false move like ice and it's out there it's reported and there's massive when we do our no you're right trainer we try to contextualize it and tell people the chances that you actually are going to be deported you're going to need to know this is small but it's like insurance in case you are but I do wonder whether or not we're contributing to this here now is if you're justified well you know he is crazier and more out of control than most people and and I do think that we'll see a measurable enforcement increase interior as I said there's renewed vigor among the ranks of there are going to be more collateral rests and detentions that the reports there's been reports of ice actions that course courthouses health clinics and schools now there was a policy not courthouses but there was a policy that health clinics schools and churches were labeled sensitive localities that they wouldn't go to well they're definitely been reports that they've shown up at courthouses when they think somebody might be an immigrant who is undocumented endure it was being facing a crime but there's also been reports that they've been outside of schools and clinics and so that would be a violation of sensitive locations and also at least there have been conversation up until now about content comprehensive immigration reform and that's not happening you know and so it what's this all about well you know I think it's a lot about who's the target obviously we know who the travel bans are if you just go to the newspapers and see who's being arrested there's a lot of Latinos names so it gets many surnames of peoples that have been arrested into poor we know that what he's implementing the secure community of the 287g agreements the results are people from Latin American countries and that's just a fact and so I just a couple weeks ago I was sitting in the waiting room of of a carwash in Redwood City and there were it was about seven o'clock it was long after closing time and there were about 50 carwash workers that were gathered in the room I was looking around the room as I actually didn't do anything that night I trained students who speak a lot better Spanish than me to do the training and they were doing the training training I was looking around the room and these folks were taking it seriously and they asked very hard questions there was a little bit of laughing at some of the role plays that my students were doing but when they went to ask the questions it was clear that they had been paying attention and they want to know everything about what they can and cannot do what they should and shouldn't carry on the job or at their kids school or at you know walking on the street and it's it's not that complex that he Trump wants to disrupt the lives of lives of these workers and their families and you I really do think that he wants to create confusion he wants people to be afraid he wants people to in the words of Mitt Romney to self-deport and and I think that that's intentional we can stop some of these costs unconstitutional actions of when they racially they can't racially profile there will be evidence of racially profiling there will be court to say you can't do that they will lose some monetary judgments when these arrests citizens but it the point will have been made Z we've seen this before as you could tell and and I think that he has went back 20 years ago in California one prop 187 pass which was the and kids couldn't go to school they're undocumented or if their parents were undocumented that they couldn't access public assistance we've seen this before when there was a lot of support for anti immigrant stuff in California I don't think prop 187 would pass today in California but I worry about the rest of the country because three-quarters of trumps support during the primaries were probe deportation anti-refugee voters and today almost half of Republican voters favor deporting all undocumented immigrants and borrowing Syrian refugees so I I just think that even though his shenanigans indicate that we think that they're tripping over themselves they have the time and they've been doing enough that they can cause this kind of harm and it's a shame that that so much publicity gets played for example about a wall because I had a debate with a former student of mine a couple weeks ago about the wall he said there's no big deal kind of saying and I said you know I really think it is a big deal that if they built that wall because the walls are just such bad symbols and and the wall sends a message actually even though it's kind of silly but if you saw the request for proposals it's got to be s lit aesthetically pleasing but only from the US side they don't give a damn what it looks like from the other side but I think the wall send a message to immigrant communities on both sides of the border that that they're not wanted and so the United States's is more diverse than ever and this increased diversity is something that has occurred over the last hundred fifty years and of course began with what we did the Native Americans and what we did to African slaves and then when Mexicans started coming in large numbers in the 1950s and Asian immigrants after 1965 the phrase we our nation of immigrants still captured the essence of largely a euro century Society but what I classify what's going on today as is is this vigilante type of racism that is emblematic of what's occurred in the various anti-immigrant movements that have gone on and it's a message it's a message of uttering that is really about the Americanizing folks I don't know exactly what it takes but I know when I'm looking at you you're not an American and so are the nation's public relations position is that we are a proud nation of immigrants and multiculturalism inclusive of all but unfortunately we take steps sometimes in the direction of inclusion inclusiveness but other times we take steps backwards in that regard as well and we learn and we unlearn in the process the bad behavior of vigilante racism is reinforced in times like this because it's times like this that this D Americanization process of attacking communities of color perpetuate this image as immigrants or folks that they're partial Americans and that they're not full Amer seconds that are deserving of their place in the country and that's when whatever the data shows if there is a majority of Republicans that favor what's going on I choose to believe that that's not a majority of Americans and if I'm wrong then I'm still going to fight until they understand that we all belong here as Americans Thanks why don't we cube and you can ask your question and you can pass it along all right you can pass along other people as well but you can also stand up if you'd like but you can pass the cube alone yeah you can even throw it high on success like we've every school misses Plyler versus doe that prohibits public schools from asking parents for immigration status are you seeing a lot of violations of that and are you worried that the Supreme Court might overturn masks right so player versus doe was a case against Texas for passing a law that the undocumented children could not attend case we 12 and the Supreme Court in a narrow decision 5 to 4 written by I'm not sure if it's livin by O'Connor killer singular but as a five-to-four opinion I know a couple Connor was in the majority that that that was unconstitutional that Texas could not stop undocumented children from attending K through 12 California tried that in prop one that 187 Plyler was in the 1980s and and when prop 187 was challenged successfully the federal judge cited plows versus dopes Alabama's HB 56 attempted that through sleight of hand by saying we're just gathering data we just want to know what kid's parents place of birth was or something like that and and but that was also thrown out Alabama's attempt do I think that there are some folks that are thinking of ways of preventing undocumented children from going to public k-12 yeah people are probably thinking of ways there's not been another proposal yet that's passed that hasn't been upheld I worry about the Supreme Court for sure it was five to four was in the 1980s included O'Connor again without getting to hyper-technical legally it surprised the outcome surprised many legal scholars because the children were undocumented and the right to education was involved this I'm going to say two things that may surprise you the right to education is not a fundamental right under the United States Constitution because it's not a fundamental right it doesn't trigger what the Supreme Court would ordinarily do when it's a fun right which is apply strict scrutiny of of the law and then when it comes to undocumented folks there that they're not considered they're not considered what's called a suspect classification when there's a suspect classification this room Supreme Court also applies strict scrutiny but undocumented immigration has never been categorized as a suspect classification lawful permanent residence you can't discriminate against lawful permanent residents that's a suspect classification but undocumented immigrants know so the fact that the Supreme Court was not required to apply the strictest scrutiny surprised there's a lot of our view articles written on why the Supreme Court did that it was wrong right why it was right like because it was muddled and so because of that the Supreme Court the wrong Supreme Court the wrong five people could overturn it yeah so I do worry about it just back there you want to throw this thing at him somebody I like from Midway right just hold on oh it's a microphone I like it microphone that's why we're doing it sorry we live in a song like a box you put the questions all right so going along with that question are there any specific court cases you've seen at the districts or the circuit court level that you are actively worried about with the new makeup of the Supreme Court yeah it's kind of interesting that so daca is an acronym for deferred action for childhood arrivals it's for people that were called dreamers kids that came here undocumented when they were small and went to high school here are going to college or joining the military and so Obama felt because he couldn't deliver comprehensive immigration reform that he would least grant and permission to stay here for a couple years and get employment permission and then get extensions of that for every two years it's been a surprise that Trump didn't cancel that program because he had promised to cancel the daca program but it has so far so good okay it's business as usual but one of the other things that Obama tried to do was something called a top-up program which deferred action for parents of US citizens and lawful permanent residents and that got hung up in court and it never got implemented he would have granted pointment permission and no deportation for parents of your citizens under dhaba that got hung up in court and it's supposed to be going to trial in DC but it got hung up because the Supreme Court was asked to allow it to go forward but they tied four to four okay and so presumably Gorsuch would make a difference what's surprising is that Trump has not cancelled the top lament because we're not sure politically why he hasn't cancelled that memo because it never went into effect and so it's going to go to trial we don't think he's going to defend it so it's a puzzle but if somehow miraculously the judge and Texas rules the Doppel was constitutional and it gets to the Supreme Court again then Gorsuch would make it a difference so that's one thing there's always issues with respect to asylum interpretation there's always issues with respect to something called cancellation of removal which is yet to show extraordinary hardship if you're undocumented to get relief from deportation yeah there are potential cases that will end up in the Supreme Court that going to be problematic sure for you I I have two questions so awesome both and then you can answer both through the side on one or the other my first question some of the way that you maybe talk about Obama for example expanding certain things I wondered what would look different without those expansions that Obama made that sort of laid the groundwork for some of the things that are actually going on now right so if we had a somebody else who did something different right who didn't expand as much as Obama did I mean it wouldn't have actually this legacy of supporting as many people as you did what would look different maybe legally or maybe socially and then the second question was about fear right and about how much we're actually contributing some allies are actually contributing to fear and so my question is so what's an alternative what's the alternative to - yeah let me pick up the first question first I I don't that's what I keep on wracking my brain about and talking to not just my students but other allies we're doing the right thing right we're doing the right thing by doing these only Rises we're not scaring people and we the thing is we've seen these know your rights presentations work in the Bay Area there was a visit by a nice officer in San Mateo a couple weeks ago of a group and the woman whose door was knocked on was happen - he had a training at Catholic Charities and he went through the whole routine and said I don't need to talk to you I know I don't need to talk to you and that person that you're asking for is in here and after 15 minutes which is a long time eyes went away okay so and I've heard of work in other contexts not recently but and years past I think that if we explain to people that the chances are small as you're going to be deported but you're some insurance including well we're handing out red cards like if you go to the immigrant legal resource center website you can order red cards actually work for free where you distribute and instance I must be more than Spanish in English now but it says I know I have a right to remain silent I'm exercising that right please go away I know I can reply can return any kind of thing so people carry those around in your wallets with them and if we explain to them that the chances are you won't need this but this is actually like an insurance company policy that's the best I can come up with in terms of I don't think we're scaring people I mean there's some folks again my allies that are worried that some folks are using this to get more funding to that they're going to funders and saying things are so bad people are scared you got to give us more money to do services and that kind of I'm exaggerating a little bit but you know that's that's part of every funding proposal now that immigrant rights organizations are doing is that we're in a different era there's threats of mass deportation look at this example that happened so of that your first question is is really a good one I actually think that the answer is that there would have been more of a social difference and for example if the cure communities had not been expanded under Obama or if if credible fear stuff at the ballistic oh gosh I mean if they had not expanded these family detention centers in Texas for example I just really think that I'm thinking of the lives of those women and children in the detention centers and you can read about the conditions and those places would been so much better there are reports that people who were removed that have been killed upon return to especially the three countries under is Guatemala and El Salvador I I I just was so disappointed that you know we were in trouble when summer 2014 the big surge of Central Americans was coming in and the Klan said we should shoot some of those folks and they'll get the message that they shouldn't be coming Obama was also criticized for creating the problem because of Dhaka little stop it and understand what that could just ISM was okay somebody was saying okay because you're giving deferred action to dreamers who have lived and here all their lives basically you're sending a message to unaccompanied kids from those countries it doesn't make any sense right but that was he actually knuckled under to that pressure so we were in trouble when the Klan gets that platform and then Obama looks like he's giving in to that kind of criticism by treating them differently in his enforcement mammals to his enforcement memos specifically excluded people who were coming now to the border and I I'm still going to finish this book of attacking the treatment of unaccompanied children because I still think that was a mistake on the part of this event and and it's it's been very harmful to those kids and to those women and children that came and continued to come at a high rate because of the violence in those countries thank you so much can you tell us a little bit about what rebellious lawyering is and how it's different in a Trump regime yeah I get a lot of chuckles sometimes when people read that I teach rebellious learning it's it's not what met many people think many people think the rebellious lawyering is about rebelling against Trump or rebelling against the amortise and rebelling against the government a lot of people who practice rebellion slowly do that rebellious learning is rebelling against conventional lawyering and so you may have other names for it in your fields but it's practicing in a way where you respect the community and respect the client you look for allies because you realize that you are not a knight in shining armor and that other people have can help solve it's about problem solving and I'm figuring out a way to problem-solve with the client and with allies and and and so it's for example when you have an immigration case it's making sure the client understands every single aspect of why you're doing what you're doing every single requirement for asylum and why you're doing what you're doing why you're whether or not the client can actually help you gather evidence because some clients are better at it than you are and who in their community might be able to come and testify who do they think can corroborate some of who else knows about what happened in your village that could help in the case and such and so so it's it's more that but in terms of specifically in terms of Trump I'll tell you we are so concerned with his crazy his craziness and his ideas that yeah are you what we're doing what I just described including working with litigators who don't always work in a rebellious manner okay many litigators who are my best friends they just give me the issue I don't need to talk to the client okay and many litigators never talk to the client and they win big and important cases I want dahlias but you know the attorney who won deal versus Plyler is infamous for not being a rebellious lawyer okay you can go a little bit up he's still around and and so well now when we're working with those litigators which we do we have to even with the travel ban stuff we we make sure that those litigators are sitting down with us and helping to explain to folks what's going on and why and what the strategy is and why and also we're looking for allies we're actually looking for people who can influence Trump because that's what we did with Obama and Bush and Clinton we always look for people to work on the inside and we haven't found any good ones yet but we're still hoping yeah thank you during the election there was a lot of talk on both sides Republican and Democrat about immigration reform and basically in this administration we've heard about walls and bans but we've had nothing about actual reform and it seems for a while they're like both parties we're both looking for reform and it looks like there might be a place for some collaboration there to make some changes and I'm just wondering if it's really dead in the water or if there is some behind-the-scenes negotiation that's going on that could give us a little glimmer of hope right the only behind-the-scenes there is behind the stuff going a lot on a dream map for dreamers because there are a number of moderate Republicans Jeff Flake from Arizona Lindsey Graham from South Carolina where's he from and a couple of other folks that really believe in the DREAM Act Marco Rubio and and so there is conversation going on and perhaps that's why Trump hasn't canceled daca we don't know for sure but everything everything else I don't think there's anything else rather it is on the table with respect to that which is very different from when if Hillary had won I think there would have been a lot because right after Barack Obama won his second term as you may recall the Republicans were so down they thought the only way we can ever win the White House is by passing immigration reform by getting the Latino vote remember that right and and so within months I didn't like the final bill but within months the Senate pass comprehensive immigration reform after in the spring of 2013 and it died because of the Tea Party and John Boehner not being able to rally people in the house kind of thing and and I I was so looking forward for some a reason for Hillary to win because it would force the Republicans again to try for comprehensive immigration but now that they want they they don't need a Latino vote or at least they think for now because they won without the Latino vote this time and without the black vote and without the Asian vote alrighty thank you so much I'm through those questions and let's give mr. haynam applause thank you we're going to take a quick 10-minute break and then we will be back 444 our roundtable panelists where you get to ask more questions and also professor Haines will also join the palace towards the end during Q&A so you can get to ask more questions as well all righty I hope break was good definitely need it but so it is we're going to move on now to our around people panelist discussion and the way that I don't work is each of our three panelists will come up one at a time of course and they'll give a brief 15 20 minutes presentation and that will have an open discussion Q&A with the three panelists and professor hang as well between the audience and the panelists and also between the pounds and themselves as well as they would like to ask each other questions mmm it is a great pleasure that I introduce to you our expert panelists this afternoon and I ask that you hold the applause till the very end Lilia Fernandez is a Henry Rutgers term chair associate professor in Latino and Caribbean studies and the Department of History at Rutgers University New Brunswick Lilia Fernandez attained her PhD in ethnic studies from UC San Diego her research interests include u.s. Latino history immigration race and identity urban renewal and gentrification women's history and urban education her groundbreaking book Brown in the Windy City Mexicans and Puerto Ricans and toast where Chicago was released in 2012 and is the first history to examine the migration of these two ethnic groups up to Chicago in her work she discusses the social and economic changes that took place in the urban north in the mid 20th century such as declining and usher employment and massive urban renewal projects and how Mexicans and Puerto Ricans navigated these dynamics to claim their own geographic and racial space in the city Fernandez is currently working on two edited projects an interdisciplinary volume on Mexican Americans outside the u.s. Southwest and in encyclopedia 50 events that shaped Latino history Vernazza serves on a number of editorial and advisory boards for journals like Aslam Latino Studies and the Journal of American ethnic studies history in 2015 she joined the editorial board for the historical studies in urban America series at the University of Chicago Press Laura Barraclough is associate professor of American Studies an ethnicity race and migration where she teaches courses about cities geography race and ethnicity and immigration she received her PhD in American Studies and ethnicity from the University of Southern California her scholarship integrates archival ethnographic and spatial analyses of urban life and culture she's the author of making the San Fernando Valley rural landscapes urban development and white privilege which is the first history of LA's iconic server suburb and with loud apellido and Wendy Chang Barraclough authors of people's guide to Los Angeles an alternative tourist guidebook that highlights type of racial gender sexual labor and environmental struggle in Elly's vernacular landscapes she has also been working on several shorter projects related to race integration and urbanization across the American West and she engages in public history initiatives on the same themes notably as Co effort co-editor of the new people's guidebook series with UC Press she's currently working on a book project that investigates the production of ethnic Mexican masculinity and immigrant illegality who chatted iya Mexican rodeo in the u.s. Southwest articles from that project have recently been published in epsilon a Journal of Chicano Studies and ethnic and racial studies Lea Perry is assistant professor of cultural studies at SUNY Empire State College Perry receives her PhD from George Mason University cultural studies programs a Masters of Arts from New York University in humanities and social sauce and a second masters of Arts in religion from Yale Divinity School her research and teaching interests encompass gender and sexuality American Studies immigration race and ethnicity and media and popular culture Perry is the author of the cultural politics of u.s. immigration gender race and media where she argues that 1980s immigration Sisco in law and popular media was a crucial ingredient in the cohesion of the neoliberal idea of democracy examining the relationship between law and culture Perry's book leads questions of legal status and gender into existing discussions about ethnicity to revise our understanding of both neoliberalism and immigration her word can also be seen in journals such as cultural studies and I'm sorry I lost my plate her word can also be seen in journals such as cultural studies and lateral and in the book color and in book collections cultural studies in the juridical turn culture law and legitimacy in the era of neoliberal capitalism and American shame stigma and the body politic she currently serves the American Studies Association as co-chair of the committee on gender and sexuality studies Perry has recently received the Fulbright Scholar Award to teach in Hungary in 2017 2018 and with that please help me introduce our panelists this afternoon ok good afternoon everyone I want to thank of Yeley Dimas Matos profession Tricia Rhodes the Center for the Study of race ethnicity America's and all the staff and sponsors that helped to make this event possible so thank you very much it's really wonderful to be here today so when I was contacted and asked to speak on this panel on the 1965 Immigration Act I thought that what was what I would do is talk a little bit about the 65 Immigration Act and putting in a historical context so I'm not going to be talking about my own research today but thinking about how the 65 law really can be seen as a starting point for understanding our modern immigration system their various landmark laws or policies that historians point to as the founding moment of the modern job the immigration system that we've lived with for the last several decades but the sixty-five law I would say is as good as any as the 1924 Johnson read act the bracero program or a subsequent loss after 65 to explain the dynamics that we see in the country today so I should mention that a lot of Barraclough and I were on a panel together on this very same topic at the urban history associations conference this past fall in October in Chicago although our focus there was on the 1965 law and cities how the Immigration Act had an impact on urban areas the metropolis and in the u.s. so as we discussed there and as a number of scholars know the sixty-five law was in many ways of liberalizing policy because it did away with the National Origins quotas that have been in place since 1921 and then since 1924 however it was liberalizing only in regards to European immigrants and to Asian immigrants in the case of immigrants from the Western Hemisphere that is from Mexico Latin America and we could say Canada as well the law actually for the very first time established numerical quotas for immigrants coming from these countries so we need to think about it in different terms when we think about Mexican immigration and particularly immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean it appeared of course at the end of WL program which had already conditioned Mexican labor to circulate through a temporary migrant labor circuit to the US and back to Mexico and it also appeared in the midst of an ongoing illegal immigration crisis as it was being described at that time so I point to that to remind us that the fear the anxiety that we're seeing today the nativism the xenophobia and of course our reaction to it is is not new we've seen waves of this before in the past I was glad to see professor I'm mentioning the Palmer Raids for example the deportation of Mexicans during the Great Depression and again during the mid-1950s in the myth of the recital program which actually had increased unauthorized immigration to a great extent so one of the dangers of talking about these issues are bringing together a roundtable on immigration issues is that we often end up preaching to the choir right we all seem to tend to have a general general agreement about our opposition to anti-immigrant politics we all understand the need that people have in coming to the United States so I thought that what I would do today in a few minutes I have is to get down to the nitty gritty and look at some of the statistics and data to help us understand what in fact is been going on and of wine before I get to some of that however let me provide a little bit more context to in terms of how this immigration act one that appeared and what it did and didn't do we know of course because of the breath little program because of the ongoing circulation of Mexican labor during the 1940s 50s and 60s to the US that there was a high demand for this labor in the country and we have to remember as well that part of the decision to end the bracero program was included the creation of the border industrialization program on the Mexican side of the border meant to address economic need and the demand for migration from Mexican workers this however would not be an effective policy essentially the board industrialization program summoned the wage labor of a segment of the popular that has not participated in paid labor outside of the home traditionally at very high rate women the maquiladoras that were created along the border employed primarily young women and thus did not address the meat at all for male employment in the Mexican labor market although it did if we want to look at this in positive terms did open up industrial employment for women all right what's something that has been foreclosed in the past and this of course occurred at the same time that runaway plants manufacturing plants and industry were leaving the urban north going south both in the US and then overseas but also a period when manufacturing began to undergo automation and mass mechanization so in other words the demand for that kind of industrial labor was declining anyway at the same time and apart from Mexico and the border industrialization program there of course Latin America would see similar economic development strategies during this time in political conditions in Latin America the very ones that would achieve the economic objectives of us and multinational corporations to create similar industrialization schemes in the Caribbean and Central America think here export processing zones or EPDs that were created in Jamaica Republic and many other places again drawing on women's labor but at wages that did not do much to raise families out of poverty created social turmoil dislocations and other forms of unrest that exacerbated conditions an economic need in these countries and therefore prompted increasing flows of migrants at this very moment a after the 65 law now as yellow you mentioned an introduction I've been working on this encyclopedia project and have a number of authors who've been submitting their entries to me and I've been learning a whole lot about a lot of these laws and these policies and much more detail than I had known before and in reading the entry on the 1986 immigration reform and Control Act I discovered that in fact some scholars have argued that one of the provisions of the 1965 law which was to have a establish a preference for family reunification is in fact blamed by some some scholars point to that as the cause for increased backlogs and visa application processing today in other words this has exacerbated the problem of undocumented immigration by making it more difficult from immigrants from Mexico specifically but also from India and China to immigrate legally so I wanted to turn to that first and take you to a website that an immigration lawyer taught me about some years ago as I taught immigration history courses at Ohio State and that is the you know when people talk about immigration about a legal immigration and say why don't they just get to the back of the line and immigrate legally like everyone else does why can't these people just follow the rules and do what they're supposed to well what it's rather interesting and what I did not realize you know exactly until I was introduced to this is that that line is incredibly long and we as most Americans we most Americans don't really understand how long that line is so if you go to the US Department of State's travel website you can get per diem rates if you're looking for a reimbursement from the University learn about how to get your passport but if you're someone who's trying to enter the United States and get a visa you might go here to the Visa Bulletin okay they're asking for my feedback no thank you you might go to the Visa Bulletin page and find this every month the State Department issues these a little bit visa bulletins which tell you give you some detail about the visa processing schedule so if you scroll down this tier gives you an explanation about statutory numbers and professor meeting probably is much more familiar with this than I am and knows all the inner workings but I wanted to take us to this section on family sponsored preferences which again was one of the provisions of the sixty-five law that family members of US citizens and legal permanent residents would get priority as potential immigrants into the country so if you fall into one of these preferential categories unmarried sons and daughters of US citizens that's the category F one remember that as two ways spouses and children of permanent residence F to be unmarried sons and daughters poor 21 or older 21 years of age or older and then F 3 married sons and daughters of u.s. citizens of for brothers and sisters of US citizens alright so those are the different categories now if you go down to the table and see look at the schedule here what this tells us is for all areas of the world with the exception of these four countries China India Mexico the Philippines if you want to qualify to enter United States under an f1 category you need to have applied by October 10 2015 so about a year and a half backlog right to get your application process however you notice over here that if you're coming from Mexico and you fall into this preferential category of f1 or f2 B or s3 for example you need to have applied oh I apologize I may go back I misread this I think it's 2010 for all other areas so there's a longer backlog there but for Mexico it goes all the way back to 1995 so this explains when I show my students this they're completely son this explains why so many people come without authorization because in order to get in the line is 22 years long in order to get a legal visa or some kind of permit to come to the United States you need to have applied twenty-two years ago and this again is only if you fall into one of these presidential categories if you don't have family who were already US citizens or permanent resident aliens in the US then your chances are even slimmer so so that's the back of the line essentially and that helps to explain why so many people essentially come without papers now we know that Mexicans constitute about 65 percent I think maybe some estimates are higher of the undocumented population however one of the things that we tend to overlook is the fact that they have primarily been the focus of deportation of immigration regulation much more than immigrants from other countries and one of the things that I think the 65 law helps us to talk about and understand is the way in which this modern day in deportation apparatus has really grown over the 20th century so if we look for example at data from the yearbook of the migration statistics from Isis Immigration and Customs Enforcement or the I&S before the agency's name change you see the number of deportable aliens that were located by immigration services over the twentieth century beginning in 1925 now if you look decade by decade however and I'm going to bring up these little red squares so you can read this a little more clearly from 1941 to 1954 example 1.3 million almost 1.4 million deportable aliens were located from 1951 to 60 the decade before the sixty-five law was passed almost 3.6 million from 61 to 70 1.6 million look at the numbers prior to this and you see that they were much much smaller from 25 to 30 31 to 40 now we continue from 1971 to 1980 this opposes liberal immigration Act of 65 you see that number skyrockets to 8.3 million from in the 80s it was went up to 11 point 8 million in the 90s 14 point 7 million just about and then in the first four decades of the new millennium 4.7 million we focus just on the data from that 2004 year you see the total number of deportable aliens located which was about what it was 1.2 million and then you see the breakdown by country and I I don't expect you to be able to read any of this but you can just get a sense that these figures are pretty small right they're single digits double digits coming from places like Belarus Belgium Croatia the Czech Republic Macedonia Serbia etcetera but let me go back for a second so that clone umber was 1.2 million if you look at the figures for North America specifically Mexico you see that almost that entire number is deportable aliens from Mexico so in other words ice is focusing on immigrants specifically from Mexico and to a less extent other Latin American regions like Central America 52,000 people if we look at a Lian's returned by region and country now these numbers are from 2009 to 2014 again here the total numbers 580 2000 and 2009 a decline after that to 2014 about 160 2000 people who were returned but once again if we look at North America knowing that the majority of those are from Mexico not Canada which don't have the North American country again you see that it's Mexican immigrants who are bearing the brunt of this kind of regulation and removal now the good news I think if you know in all of this or one of the things that I think we need to take into consideration is that at moments of tremendous anti-immigrant rhetoric nativism xenophobia we see that legal immigrants in the u.s. respond by naturalizing at much higher rates so you remember back in 2006 the Sensenbrenner bill the immigrant rights marches the you know all the talks about immigration reforms that never in fact came to pass well if you look at the numbers of people that filed petitions to naturalized in those years you see that they rose dramatically from 2006 730,000 to 2007 nearly doubling 1.3 million people applied to become US citizens so I you know share this with you too also some hope that those who do have a pathway to citizenship those who do have access to becoming US citizens do take it up unfortunately it's often at moments of Christ is and you know there are many many people who get left out of this process but nonetheless it's important for us to consider and just about of time right so let me just end with two final things and this is I want to give credit would see this comes from Professor Doug Massey who many of you know is one of the leading experts in immigration particularly from Mexico who presented this a few years ago when he came to visit at Ohio State which is where it was previously before going to Rutgers that really revealed I think why it is that illegal immigration becomes such a rallying point for anti-immigrant rhetoric why it becomes such a hot topic and draws so much attention so much anger and he starts this feed but what he calls the immigration feedbacks on the far left with unauthorized entry we know that people enter the country without papers without documentation although we know also that only 40% of illegal immigration comes across the us-mexico border nonetheless those people that come some of them get apprehended okay when this is in the public view when it's caught on television or news feeds on you know websites etc social media this creates a tremendous amount of anti-immigrant reaction so what does that do then well that leads to people contacting their congressmen complaining about all these illegals entering the country etc and ultimately leads to restrictive legislation and more restrictive operations in other words the Border Patrol gets beefed up there's a lot of talk about cracking down on illegal immigrants and you know dealing with this problem so this leads to more Border Patrol agents more funding for the Border Patrol and that of course results in increased lines watch hours as they're called more people at the front line watching and looking for undocumented immigrants so it's not surprising then that if there are more people there monitoring which we've got militarized equipment in this process as well that then as those an authorized entries continue more of them are apprehended and discontinues this loop over and over again so I think that we need to talk as well as we talked about the issue of you know what is happening now on in this Trump era under this new administration and all of the anti-immigrant sentiment that he's mobilized although I will remind us that as someone mentioned the other day a presentation that I attended only 26 percent of eligible voters in the United States voted for Donald Trump so as much as he likes to think that he's gotten this mandate from the nation that Americans are all you know riled up about illegal immigration and want him to do something about it only 26 percent of all eligible voters put him into office nonetheless I want to end with with a tangible example you know as a professor he was talking about the fear and whether or not we are full menteng too much of it in having these conversations about Trump and about the impact that his potential policies might have I think it's important to his store size these moments in the past but I think we do see some very real concrete examples of the effect this is having and so I wanted to share something with you scientifica something that I came across this morning at 5:00 a.m. when I woke up and and checked my facebook feed which I haven't been doing a lot of lately but which nonetheless I think was very timely and heartbreaking to and this points to the links between the issue of undocumented immigration and the whole health care issue that's been going on right now with the Affordable Care Act and and all of that this is the sister of a dear friend of mine who posted this actually from yesterday morning she said today is a sad a my father-in-law will be transported to Mexico from Chicago by the hospital he has been documented and uninsured he had a brain injury that left him unable to function there is no justice there is no peace health care continues to be for those that can afford it the struggle is real the struggle continues heartbroken when I read this it really touched me because you know I haven't met this woman's father in law and yet she captured for us right now at this very moment what is so urgent about the impact that these policies are having and that this rhetoric is having for people like her father-in-law but it also gives us more reason to continue to strategize and think of ways to combat the nativism of the xenophobia and what may be coming ahead and hopefully also energizes us to continue teaching our students and talking to one another about these issues so thank you [Applause] hello how's everyone doing thank you for being here is the cranky hour as my five-year-old would say so I'm glad that you all are here thanks to everyone for putting this event together I want to start by situating myself I want to start by situating myself in relationship to our conversation I'm trained primarily as an urbanist and a historical and cultural geographer and so what that means is that in my research and teaching I'm really interested in the spatiality of inequality and how the kinds of so for today I'll be thinking about how questions of citizenship and belonging around race migration status ethnicity gender and class are negotiated in the ways that people organize physical space and are constantly producing and transforming the landscapes and in particular the ordinary landscapes in the vernacular landscape that we passed through and are producing every day so I'm going to start today by outlining some of the broad trends that scholars have been talking about in both urban history and cultural geography and highlighting some of the areas of research and practice that I think are really exciting and innovative and then all in the second part of my comments share with you some of the research that I've been doing which is about how Mexican migrants remember the rural past in order to exercise belonging and agency in the city so to start oh and I should say too that my expertise is primarily in Los Angeles and the Southwest cities like San Antonio Denver Pueblo Colorado etc so I'll be drawing most of my examples from that region so as a result of transformations in the 1965 Immigration Act as well as the broad policy changes that Lilia outlined for us contemporary migrants are continuing as we know to arrive in the nation's traditional immigrant gateway cities New York Los Angeles San Francisco etc just as they have been doing for decades and of course they're maintaining complex dynamic but also complicated communities there what's unique about the urban existence in this moment again as Lilia referred to is that immigrants have in fact been saving off very worst of economic restructuring in these places and contributing to facilitating urban and regional economic restructuring so migrants have been especially important presences in places that have experienced the kind of the twin dynamos of the industrialization or the decline of manufacturing and massive urbanization of people and capital and other kinds of fiscal and human resources to the suburbs and so that's of course pretty much all cities in the United States and so migrants have been really really important in these places in injecting their labor power their financial investments small and large and their cultural practices as well as the ways that they are producing space so this fact has led some analysts to focus on Latino migrants to refer to this phenomenon that some of you may have heard of called the Latino New Urbanism so briefly the idea is that Latinos and and especially Latin American migrants are said to use and experienced neighborhoods and public spaces in ways that revitalize cities okay so for example many immigrants tend to live close to where they work they tend to walk and bike at disproportionate rates rather than drive and take the bus of course to they buy and sell informally on the street they make ample use of front porches sidewalks public parks and flats and other public spaces so much of this activity has revitalized formerly declining urban neighborhoods of course in ways that also have paved the way for gentrification a lot of analysts say that this this kind of spatial practice draws in some way upon migrants previous origins in Latin American countries which tend to have a more robust public sphere in many places in many cases than in Los Angeles but other critics have noted that that this Latino new urbanism to the extent that it exists is not it really pure feature of Latin American culture instead in the United States these patterns in the use of urban space are better seen as the result of poverty and structural discrimination in the labor market as well as the exclusionary policies adopted in many states and localities that prohibit undocumented migrants from obtaining driver's license or residing in public housing and so those kinds of structural features are a major reason why we end up having these kinds of spatial dynamics present in our landscape nor have Latin American migrants alleged new urbanist practices gone uncontested in her study of Latino migration to Northwest Arkansas specifically the small city of Fort Smith there's a very small child out there relegated all my friend to all another supercrime has found that Latino ways of using space the same kinds of practices that I've just subscribed in that you can see in these images here have provoked immense resistance and hostility from white neighbors who then who complained about how lucky no migrants are allegedly to loud in by too many people to their parties too active in their use of the front porch instead of the back yard like normal people this is a quote from unit of work these are the very practices that are allegedly revitalizing cities and yet white neighbors in these places often call upon the police to call these practices into question and get it I was referring to this process in these acts of policing as facial illegality the marking of Latinos as threatening subjects who lack rights and do not belong in this case because of how when and where they're using physical space despite all of this debate about gentrification the latino new urbanism and spatial illegality the migrant presence has not been holy or even primarily an urban one in fact one of the most impactful effects of our current immigration policy since 65 is its impacts on suburban space this is in large part due to the 1965 cart seller acts prioritization of highly skilled and well capitalized migrants who can either fill labor shortages at the top levels of the US economy or can create new jobs and investment opportunities this is a second set of priorities in addition to the family reunification categories that the Lea Furnham Fernandez highlighted for us so this class of migrants include people with capital to invest and the cultural and spatial taste to match so these people don't want to live in ethnic enclaves and they don't they want to live in elite suburbs they drive in our Sade's and BMWs instead of riding bikes or taking the bus and these folks have been creating what geographer way li is referring to as the ethno burbs a globally connected ethnically identified suburb inhabited by highly educated upper middle class and wealthy migrants the identities of these people in attend it have tended so far to be most often Chinese becomes widely visible in the commercial landscape for example through the proliferation of high-end restaurants luxury auto dealers upscale retail and professional offices like some of those that you see here but one notable feature of the S no verb is that it can it continues to be inhabited by other ethnic and racial groups including white folks because the Chinese migrants are wealthy and influential the fact of their presence hasn't necessarily spurred white flight to the same degree and as a result the politics of belonging in ethno birds and other ethnically integrating suburbs tend to focus on questions of culture that are negotiated in large part through the landscape for example for white us born citizen homeowners who have lived disproportionately in suburban neighborhoods and those same neighborhoods are now experiencing ethnic or racial change efforts to preserve historically exclusive landscapes have really abounded since the 1960s and of course this is a broad area of scholarship but some of the things that I would highlight include efforts to pass english-only ordinances in commercial signage so that these kinds of characters the Chinese characters would be outlawed other things that have been used are environmental laws and policies and historic preservation zoning ordinances which seem on their face to be progressive but which in fact have had the effect of curtailing migration by large numbers of middle class or upper middle class migrants to these places nonetheless migrants find creative ways to negotiate those kinds of restrictions and to claim belonging James art's ideas who is a scholar of Asian American Studies and urban studies at the University of San Francisco has shown that Chinese migrants to wealthy and exclusive suburb often engage in what he calls design assimilation in an article that he co-authored with Aquino Colitis last year so in other words these wealthy Chinese migrants are not producing these kinds of landscapes but instead are engaging in highly when you assess to uphold the existing landscapes of white exclusivity whether that's the rustic ranch-style homes of Country Living suburbs or the Tudor manners and English gardens of elite places like suburbia so like San Marino in California so both of these places are Asian majority suburbs and you wouldn't necessarily know what these are very different kinds of places than the ethno burb white homeowners are not always convinced however and they have in fact continued to geographically reshuffle themselves in response more bluntly white flight which I think we need to think of as a spatial reorganization of whiteness is continuing throughout the 1980s and 90s demographer William Frey found that large numbers of working-class and middle-class whites left immigrant gateway cities on the coasts in large numbers overwhelmingly they settled in the interior of the country which they referred to in ethnographic and journalistic accounts as the heartland of America places that were imagined to retain traditional American values and didn't seem as directly threatened by migration and in some cases these white migrants especially those from California who left in at the height of prop 187 went on to establish anti-immigrant organizations in their new rural Midwestern and southern locales and they claimed leadership roles through their experiences of dealing with immigrants in places like California New York New Jersey etcetera and Florida so this is a demographic that's not often talked about probably in all the discourse on rural voters in Crump's America but I think we should remember that not all of these people have always been rural some of them are urban in origin and some of them claim to have a lot of experience on that basis whether or not these white Heartland migrants have gotten involved in immigration politics or not their very presence has also been transforming rural America in some unexpected ways frequently these folks are middle class information and tech workers who are working remotely through innovations in Skype and cheap airfare etc but because they come from these immigrant gateway cities they actually expect urban and cosmopolitan amenities which soon propels migration by the very people they were trying to escape low wage low service workers who work in coffee shops etc so geographers Lise Nelson who has been studying these dual migration streams refers to this as rural gentrification and following her lead I think it's productive to consider how these macro scale economic changes intersect with immigration policy to also restructure urban suburban and rural spaces simultaneously and in relationship to each other and so here I'm going to switch to talk about my current research which is trying to do just that in all of my research I am considering how ideas fantasies and historical experiences with rural land affect the way that people engage with cities with urban landscapes and urban culture and today I want to speak from my current book project which I'm currently wrapping up it's called chatter cities Mexican American urbanism beyond the barrio and it will be published by the University of California Press next year so the book that I'm going to finish any day looks at how Mexican migrants and Mexican Americans in the southwest have organized around the figure of the channel which translates roughly as gentleman cowboy he's most visible the figure in the suits worn by mariachis but he's much more than that he's a deeply Mexican nationalist figure who brings together colonial histories of Spanish ranching and the agenda with independent Mexican nationalism and performances of elite masculinity all of which coheres in this suit in these performances of Mexican radio events and in the physical landscapes and memories attached to both the agenda and veteran show for Mexican migrants in the United States as early as the 1930s but really taking off in the 1970s performing as Chad rose has been a really important way in which they've been claiming urban rights and belonging this happens in a number of ways that I analyzed in the book one way is through the establishment of shadow association these are formal organizations of 10 to 20 men who train and compete with each other in the Mexican rodeo circuit across the United States and Mexico these groups are made up overwhelmingly of Mexican migrant men and their us-born sons and nephews since the 19th cendars literally hundreds of these associations have been established in the United States mostly in the southwest but also Chicago Washington State Iowa and other places the Association this is an early photo of the the chato Association in Denver in 1972 and there's many many more now the associations hosts weekly competitions on Sundays which are usually preceded by a Catholic Mass and followed by a concert of banda or ranch Adam music the events are attended by family members friends neighbors and other spectators and they're really notable for their mixed migrant statuses a more temporary use of the landscape for similar purposes occurs through the staging of how details or pole riding events which are often sponsored by entrepreneurial but often very poorly capitalized hold on oh yeah there's a contemporary competition very importantly capitalized latin-themed entertainment companies that are run by middle-class migrants who also own some other kind of small business like a restaurant so this is an advertisement from a company called rodeo tierra caliente which is run by a Mexican migrant named Miguel Guzman who lives in the Bronx and founded this promoting company in 1995 he runs a traveling circuit of bull riding events and concerts all throughout the Northeast region including right here in Rhode Island as well as in New Haven where I live these performances and competitions require appropriate physical space and it's here where shadows and event promoters like Guzman have led the remaking of the urban and sometimes suburban landscape so chatter associations have built the insults or complexes of arenas and stables that are deliberately meant to house the specific events of the Mexican rodeo in cities and suburbs all across the u.s. like this one in San Antonio some of these are privately owned in cases where middle-class Mexican migrants have acquired a bit of land and then have constructed facilities like this through their own labor but in other cases ethnic Mexican men have worked closely with municipal government to finance construct lease and use lienzos as part of a regional or transnational economic development strategy and the best case of this is the Pico Rivera sports arena in eastern LA County which is known across California and in Mexico as one of the premier facilities for travel competition but also for concerts and other public events like swap meet the landscapes established for the honey fail events like that people like Guzman host are temporary but there are no less interesting so promoters set up these makeshift landscapes I'm not sure if you can see it in the back but this is a pipe rail that's tied together with twine and people are sitting on folding chairs I'm not sure what this lot is this is in Maryland and so in this way this is you know dullsville Hall in some rented bowls or Spears set them up in some pipe corals and then haul them back out in trailers to for the afternoon and so these are temporary places and yet they're often set up on industrial or post-industrial spaces in otherwise abandoned or unused urban areas there's many other ways in which the chatter and ideas about the rural Mexican ranching path more broadly are served are serving as resources for belonging for migrants in American cities so the travel is the subject of innumerable short stories poems songs authored by Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans he's the subject of a reality TV show called those Cowboys have been abusing the show actually pretty good it was on hulu it debuted and hit on hulu in 2015 it was bought by Univision and is now in its third season it seems to be doing well and the chat role has also informed many efforts to shape urban public art especially statuary so most recently this is a statue of Antonio Aguilar who's a performer singer artist activist I'm sorry not activist actor who is most known for his corridos and and pokes songs that was just installed at Alvaro Street in Los Angeles which has been a kind of a tourist trap selling exotic ideas of ethnic Mexican I am kind of stereotypes and caricatures and yet we have this nationalist figure who has been installed here as a statue and the creation of this statue is especially significant when we consider that other efforts in other southwestern cities have been really contested so for example Gary Kodava has written about all of the debate and consternation that surrounded the creation of this statue of Pancho via atop of course in in Tucson in the 1980s where city leaders got so upset that they constructed another statue of a Spanish missionary Kino which is meant to dominate the viet statue and in my own research there's now this statue of a mexican-american war veteran joe Martinez in the Denver Civic Center but this exact same spot was originally proposed for a childhood statute to be outside of the Colorado State Legislature building by two Chicano Congress people in the 1980s that effort totally failed and so we got a war veteran instead which I think tells us a lot about what kinds of images and icons of Mexican identity are considered acceptable at least in that kind of civic landscape so as this last effort shows us and the struggle around that the use of the shadow and the rural imaginary as a way to claim belonging and shaped landscapes have never been uncontested and yet migrants ongoing performances as Chad Rose they're building up lienzos they're hosting of how details and their occasional successes in influencing public art are all important ways in which they're using ideas about the rural past to affect landscapes and to transform the landscape in the name of re territorial izing a Mexican presence in the United States and in that case I think it's just one more example of the ways that the landscape can really be thought of productively as the ordinary in everyday ways that people are engaging with the same kind of discourses that we hear so often in the media thank you [Applause] hi after something kind of different I'm you talk a lot about that in the 1986 immigration law and pop culture and so I'm just going to go for it although he may seem like an over-the-top anomaly Tom's racist sexist violent anti-immigration rhetoric and policy actually developed from bipartisan immigration discourse established in the 1980s so I'm arguing that it's a DZ's all of 65 is is also Branham but I'm saying that the eighties is the moment where we see these particularity that he's engaged in or some of these particularity so Trump's racist sexist violent anti-immigration rhetoric and policy actually developed from bipartisan immigration discourse established in the 1980s in response to the civil rights and second wave feminist movements that immigration discourse is integral to the neoliberal idea of democracy I talk about these the various threads of this in my book today I'm going to focus on the criminalization thread so the 1983 genesis song in video for illegal alien and these are stills from that video with its refrain it's no fun being a legal alien supposedly a light satire about the struggles of undocumented immigrants flagrantly played up stereotypes of Mexicans even the popular press and this was in the 1980s the popular press in the ad said that it was racist in the eighties it's rarely played on radio the lyrics delivered by white vocalist Phil Collins and a Mexican accent described Mexican laziness drinking tequila of course smoking use of illegal economies for documentation and sordid women in the video set in a barrio in Mexico Collins and his white bandmates are coded as Mexican they drink over sweep play mariachi music dance with produce that's what's happening there quite at the passport office and commit passport fraud in the final stanza the speaker peels directly to nation of immigrants ideology that is the notion that the United States is an exceptionally diverse inclusive and abundant nation that is made of immigrants from all over the world but the striving immigrants plea for compassion is d legitimized criminal tendencies there is the promise of gendered crime if this if he makes it into the promised land his assumption that America will take care of him as a proxy for nativists fears that the undocumented exploit the welfare system the couplet about exchanging his sister's sexual favors for passage over the border is a proxy for fears that the undocumented are a moral enemies of Family Values it was so controversial that it was edited out of the song columns Mexican is the wrong kind of immigrant for the nation of immigrants many celebrate the Reagan era as a great time when America was prosperous and abundant and truth neoliberalism solidified in the 1980s a dismantling of the welfare state neoliberalism simultaneous appropriation of multicultural and feminist discourses and deployment of ostensibly color and gender blind appeals to protect certain citizens from crime and criminals either concealed or rationalized its inherent violence great song pointed out that neoliberalism is a structure of disavowal it claims that protected life is available to all and that premature death comes only to those whose criminal actions and poor choices make them deserve it aspect is which tells us is what tells us which lives should not be protected so I argue that legal status and the gendered racialized aspect mobilized around it negated circumscribed and first select few facilitated immigrant homemaking in the US this analysis shows how the nexus of gender race and legal status structure neoliberalism now some context when Genesis released illegal alien Congress was in the middle of a heated five-year debate over immigration that regression reform that culminated with the passing of the immigration reform and Control Act of 1986 which perk up these are the four major things that it did five pundits claimed the country was having an illegal immigration crisis the demographics were just shifting US policies such as I anaise loosening of direct racial restrictions and emphasis on family reunification a new Western Hemisphere quota austerity measures in Latin America and Central America that necessitated migration despite that new quote and more domestic and service sector jobs led to increased immigration and the increased immigration of women from Central and Latin America Asia and the Caribbean with these variables and against the backdrop of an economic depression and widespread unemployment in the 1970s the term illegal alien became affixed to Mexicans and extended to Latinas the criminalization of immigrants has always been gendered and racialized in relation to the demands of capital and political context reagan-era crema Gration a term which points to how this is a quote immigration control of increasingly adopting the practices and priorities of the criminal justice system responded to the gains of multiculturalism and second way of feminism and changing immigration demerits demographics with an intensified policing of the nation and the neighborhood as the exclusive home of certain groups who played by gendered and racialized rules persons of Latin American descent were cast as guilty of at least acacho called a de facto status crime that is under neoliberalism race and racialized spaces make certain bodies and action actions low legible as criminal and crime the person's status is itself the offense carrying the assumption of future crime columns Mexican and his salacious sister always already illegal did not deserve to be protected life but in the 1980s sentiment over immigration was not unified free-market economists supported immigration not for humanitarian reasons like some Democrats and activist groups but because cheap immigrant labor was profitable organized labor worried about labor competition and native it's charged that immigrants threatened the economy culture complexion and safety of the United States the Mariel boatlift added a layer of urgency at the same time a new nation of immigrants national imaginary that recast white ethnic immigrants as ideal self-sufficient hard-working family oriented Americans was becoming a geminate the supposedly inclusive narrative part of the mainstreaming of multiculturalism and feminism was crucial to the United States appearance in the humanitarian Haven in the context of the Cold War it also incorporated a few people of color model minorities who contributed to the economy and had proper family values moreover the nation of immigrants narrative is entirely predicated on the erasure of slavery and indigenous genocide and people the u.s. is a settler colonial nation and many immigrants themselves became settlers now some people there may remember some of these shows but all these shows these lovable immigrant characters were proliferating and more often than not the lovable immigrant character was white ethnic from eastern or southern European and then be very highly respectable and the progressive color the model minorities also it was the thing that was proliferating so there's that Reagan's conservative supporters also wanted to get tough on crime particularly through the war on drugs another piece of this neoliberal puzzle from its official start in 1982 which happens to be the same year that era was first proposed how about that international intervention stricter criminal penalties and increased incarceration were presented as urgent and necessary reagan blamed the war on drugs on communist governments in latin america and poor people of color in inner-city communities the combination of the neoconservative trumpeting of family values and the notion of a racialized crime epidemic provided the effective support for the backlash against civil rights and feminist gains and underscoring the dismantling of the welfare state America was allegedly in moral decline epitomized by the breakdown of the nuclear family this rearticulation of racism and sexism translated seamlessly into immigration policy and pop culture what emerged with the discordant combination of gatekeeping and welcoming that made immigration crucial to neoliberalism these two concepts of immigration nation of immigrants and immigration emergency surface repeatedly in relation to Latinos Asians and white ethnics beginning in the Reagan years and continued to be the dominant modes of thought an expression about immigration until September 11th brought terror and Islamophobia to the forefront of immigration politics though things have not changed all that much as we have seen comparing how Latinos Asians and white ethnics were represented in immigration discourse shows that even while multi cultural immigrants were embraced in some ways they were disciplined your gender discourses of respectability that became central to neoliberalism so in navigating all these variables ARCA established this paradigm for neoliberal immigration amnesty was dressed up as reagan-era a nation of immigrants exceptional inclusivity but this new program for temporary labor importation was what Maine is called imported colonialism the pinna provisions were framed is necessary for the safety of Americans and to avoid making the US and this is a quote the sugar daddy of the world as Republican senator Alan Simpson urca's primary sponsor eloquently put it he also lobbied very hard in the first two iterations of urke to eliminate the family reunification provisions that allowed more Latino and Asian immigrants to come in he wanted those gone and it didn't pass but he lobbied hard and if you're wondering just how racist and sexist America is a look at the Congressional Record makes it abundantly clear because that is a quote from the Congressional records directly and that's one of his more mild or more miles or things that he said so part of the neoliberal restructuring is increasing militarism and securitization at national borders as they become more permeable with capital and labor this is what Orca did accordingly the number of crossing related deaths grew in 1994 23 migrants died after operation gatekeeper there were 61 deaths in 1995 89 in 1997 and 145 in 1998 and dr. Hagan probably he talked about that as well and probably elaborate on it like the Texas Rangers a newly beefed up Border Patrol used gendered brutality and rape as a means of immigration control studies undertaken in the 90s found that the sexual abuse and assault of women was rampant and rarely reported that alone prosecuted women were routinely pressured to remain silent and accused of lying when they did come forward as feminist scholars have observed casting a woman is sexually deviant because of her race her profession behavior legal status which she is wearing renders her unravel a logic that erases a systemic intersectional nage violence being illegal likewise makes violence against one invisible or rationalizes rationalizes it also essential to the criminalization of undocumented immigrants with the casting of Latino and that is immigrant or citizen family and gender arrangements as not only dysfunctional but dangerous deviations from family values so enter in pop culture again in the 1980s border films crime dramas and music videos worked in tandem with immigration policy and policing Hollywood neoliberal lies the stereotype of Latino criminality with stereotypes of narco traffic on tazed and drug dealers criminals abandoned gang members and undocumented workers Latinas found themselves as prostitutes in Kent and areas north of the border Latinos were cast as to help waiter maid bellhop valet or his criminal clarity Rodriguez notes that the Hollywood staple of the Latino criminal began with the Bandidos in silent film and then in westerns then moved to urban settings the 1960s and 1970s with images of juvenile delinquents and continued in the 1980s and 1990s as gangs criminals and drug lords the foreignness of the immigrant and Latino citizen often collapsed in the public imaginary and in the execution of policy and in police procedure was conveyed via their threats to family values so I'm going to give you a quick example colors sentiment seeing colors so colors a 1988 crime drama directed by Dennis Hopper and that's Dennis copper hopper doing something terrible with some of the actors from the film was described favorably by viewers as a representation of the poisonous flowering of gang culture amid ghetto life which captures a climate of fear and the helplessness of the police quote experienced police officer Bob Hodges who is played by Robert Duvall and novice Danny McGavin played by Sean Penn fight gang crime in LA Barrios and our obvious Reagan eight Reaganite emblems of Law & Order and Family Values loving husband and new father Hodges is level-headed and compassionate well the single hot-headed McGavin simmers down to fit the image of a benevolent patriarch the gang members all black or Latino our economic and moral aliens a Latino member of the blood gang who's high on drugs senselessly killed Hodges - the police apprehended the Bloods without force gangbangers mortally threatened the American values of law-abiding and familial responsibilities the Hodges embodies McGavin failed romance with the Latina likewise links Latinos to criminality if your family values discourse they are the support system sexual object and accomplices of male gangbanger bangers Roger Ebert said that the gang with the perverted family that given the lack of a traditional family cared for her members and was willing to die for them yet the product of their family is of course tragic their gang deals and drugs defends its turf and murders to enforce its authority this framing is always already racialized why to commit crimes tend to be judged individually on the basis of their acts rather than as representatives of an entire race and like McGavin who becomes the new moral compass film White's can evidently easily change for the better without rehabilitation or incarceration but the people of color in the film and in real life are cast is intrinsically corrupt and beyond redemption Latinos true colors reaffirm the gender colored line invading foreign force violently threatens American reproductive respectability but all ethnic crime films were not created equal in u.s. cinema white ethnics and especially Italian Americans have long been stereotypes and glamorized as mafia criminals this gangster genre complements backlash against civil rights and feminist movements by idealizing white patriarchy white ethnic men are depicted as members of a crime family who become involved with organized crime a business venture in order to provide their immigrant family with a better life here's that racist sexist gentler nation of immigrants mythology this is common sense reasoning for mobster activities that Reaganite America understood 1980s discourse repackaged paradigms of gendered racialized immigrant crime to conceal or justify neoliberal violence establishing an enduring model for policy in popular media and this is just some stuff that came from Erika and the Giroux honor go and buy some stuff I mean immigration law in conclusion under new Liberal governance punitive policies create a climate in which legal status widens the gaps between segments of the US population so that the undocumented immigrant becomes an affront to conventional notions of citizenship which equate political social and civic rights with the criterion of legal residents racialized and gendered criminalization devalue certain immigrants and citizens lives furthermore this narrow fiat view a valuable immigrant life is prevalent and liberal and even progressive discourse that has taken up the nation of immigrants narrative to counter the immigration emergency DREAM Act rhetoric asserts the immigrants deserve a path to legalization because they are law-abiding especially hard-working members of heteronormative families students are observed in the military much opposition to the Muslim ban and ice raids hinges on the nation of immigrants imaginary this makes me so uncomfortable whose hat I don't know about anybody else as was the immigrants make America great slogan so much opposition to the Muslim ban and ice raids hinges on nation of a nation of immigrants imaginary as what the immigrants make America great slogan recourse to the Statue of Liberty is the welcoming mother of exiles the framing of welcoming immigrants is a national value and the focus on the separation of hard-working families as an especially urgent reason to end the banned deportations these well-meaning narratives restrict the field for valuable immigrant life to reproductively respectable immigrants who contribute to the economy once again this country's history and president of settler colonialism is erased as other racialized and gendered exclusions underpinning the nation of immigrants narrative so swing swing back to the immigration emergency racialized anti-family behavior was the linchpin of the criminalization of the undocumented and Latinos it was highly effective because of its effective appeal on the Reagan era when the gains of feminism and multiculturalism threatened white supremacy and hetero patriarchy Trump's successful xenophobic presidential campaign platform is called to build a wall at the Mexican border because they're rapists despite the fact that he has sexually assaulted multiple women and bragged about it on tape and current anti-immigrant anti-muslim policy and sentiment is the karmic Fruit of 1980s immigration discourse this is a direct pipeline not unraveling the paradigm of neoliberal criminal emigration is certainly proven profitable far beyond its playful importance nation and Genesis illegal alien thank you this is Q&A time because you have any questions panelists if you can sit up here question and I believe we have least 15 minutes after which we'll have a posting reception there we go so this my excuse to try this cool new thing thank you all very much very dynamic of range of presentations I'm I just had a I wanted to sort of just get us going with the very last presentation especially the question about the role of this nation of immigrants narrative I'm wondering if you can say a little bit more about you know sort of how both you know how it's being been playing out I mean my experiences is it echoing a lot see I had to mess up the cube right as you're listing all right how's this set better thought that was weird okay you know I've been I've been struck by it as this really strong rallying cry in the you know post Trump elections period but I've been as an African American and an African American is you know a big concern about the way in which it frames appropriate belonging not only for Native Americans but for African Americans I guess I'm interested in that and then I'm wondering you know what kinds of progressive non neoliberal ways might we be able to think about and alliances discursive late that would you know transform that or if there anyone if there's anyone who's doing that yeah thank you stuff that is that is my concern like it has been as rallying point this will know where this nation of immigrants are like the hashtag here to stay immigrants to make America great you know all those slogans and it's brought people together but it's there's the exclusions that are already underpinning it when we look at well who is that ideal immigrants the white ethnic immigrant and you know I how that happened is a complicated process but it's a white ethnic immigrant and it's also not true because those white ethnic immigrants got an enormous amount of federal welfare to the GI Bill the housing bills things like that redlining white white ethnic immigrants well some of them surely did work very hard got a lot of federal aid and made whiteness and so this is this ideal and then abused in the 1980s to rationalize cutting welfare and if someone was poor you know that the argument was that they basically many levels liberal argument is that like well you just didn't work hard enough he deserves it so there's that in immigration discourses when the model minority discourse builds on that and the only valuable immigrants is the immigrant who is a part of a heteronormative family and is working really hard so contributing to the capitalist economy that's the immigration B's but then of course that whole discourse completely erases slavery and african-americans and it completely erases like here to stay on who land and so my current work I'm bringing indigeneity and addition into conversation with us and I'm actually writing about this right right now and what's erased by it and that history of settler colonialism and so I'm looking at and I was I've been at many of the protests in New York City and the Statue of Liberty was all over the place and this idea of her as a mother of exiles and it's ironically in the 1980s it was immigrant mothers of color that were really attacked with immigration policy and prop 187 had it's federal kind of comeuppance with the personal responsibility or tact so there's that there's that piece of it and then so what do we do and the the kind of some of the more progressive groups that I follow on social media and then involved involved with have more no bans on stolen land that that to me is more nuanced and brings these two things together and you know that there's so many questions that come from that to them like what does it mean to be a colonizer if you're part of it you know are you a colonizer if you're a part of another story leave disenfranchised oppressed groups and but what I'm learning as I become more and more familiar with indigenous studies and settler colonial studies is that these questions are for so they're part of nuanced conversations and that and again like I'm new to that that feels very much but on that place it has to be placed based it has to acknowledge the land even Irish before you know there has to be an acknowledgement at the land if we're going to talk about solidarity with native people I mean you know this happen the Muslim that happened right after the Dakota access pipeline protest brought Native American visibility and ongoing violence at the hands of the state to mainstream media and it was like it was forgotten immediately and almost in this nation of immigrants everywhere and so how you know what a social justice look like for both both groups I I wish I had a more concrete answer ya know I think on the ground the to go to pipeline for a moment actually represented a bringing together hope of kind of all of these issues including immigrant rights folks were there as well as flat fungal matter et cetera and and I understand a series that you're advancing which is I'm all for but what I consider as a bringing together continues to recognize that there are separate issues are very deeply important to different groups in the country but what the groups are looking for our allies are looking to show up for other issues of wanting an exchange quite understandably that others show up for their issues as well and again I live in a bubble you know because that actually does happen in the Bay Area but but the Bay Area went to Dakota as well to the pipeline and they this is constantly part of the conversation an organization that's kind of emblematic of bringing at least the the african-american issue of over policing etc and immigration is logic black lines were just immigration which I think they've moved the headquarters San Francisco even though it started in Oakland and the person who is the current executive director is actually one of the founders of black life matters as well and so I think that it's kind of a strategic alliance that's being demanded on all fronts and I think people are wanting to follow through on on putting their effort where their mouth is one of my questions is actually about coalition and coalition building and I wondered Libya is you might sort of talk a little bit about what you learned about mexican and puerto ricans in Chicago and that kind of coalition building and dynamic in that particular geographic space and maybe what you've learned that we can sort of apply today yeah well you know what I think the reason that's important is store size was going on now and to understand you know the longer tradition of the nativism and xenophobia and the anti-immigrant rhetoric is precisely because there been other moments of this in the past and including in Chicago in the 1950s 60s and 70s so one of the most interesting things that I came across in looking at the experience of mexican-americans in the 1960s in Chicago was that Puerto Ricans who as we all know our US citizens would get caught up in the kinds of you know the raids the assaults on undocumented immigrants or the search for suspected undocumented immigrants and so they talked about in some cases how they are just as implicated as anyone else when people when a police officer or immigration official can't distinguish between someone who's Mexican or someone from Berto Rican so that I think opens up for some folks the possibilities for solidarity and alliances for recognition of a common cause or you know facing similar kinds of circumstances at the same time though for others I think it also motivates them to distance themselves from Mexican immigrants precisely because they don't want to be associated with that kind of suspicion cast upon them as you know it's illegitimate people in the society so there are a lot of other examples of these moments when these two populations have encountered one another have had to reckon with each other it's actually the focus of my my current book project looking at Latino magnetic politics moments when Mexicans Puerto Ricans and other Latinos Cuban Central American South South Americans began to express and articulate solidarities as alliances with each other and come together for a variety of different political but also social reasons as well yeah but I actually wanted to make a comment to go back to Professor roses question about the immigrants to make America great issue one of the ways that I think of getting at this or the way that I approached this with when talking about immigration with my students is to invoke a kind of hemispheric sense of American myth that America is not just the United States of America as Latin Americans will tell you all the time right that you know we've simply monopolized that term and you know I've come at this by thinking about the intogen 'ti of many of these immigrants from Latin America today the fact that many of them are coming from Mayan communities from sapless tech community and uh and that the fact that there are people who have roots here in this part of the world now of course that works only for Latino Americans right for people from Latin America and so it's not we can't use that language to talk about immigrants from from Asia or from Africa for example but I think the way that we can use it is in thinking about how we've all made our way to this you know moment in time and this place where we are now through different history whether that was history of enslaved labor whether it was history of the expropriation of our land or a history of settler colonialism and so I think one possible way - or one alternative to this whole make I mean immigrants make America great or you know we're an immigrant nation type of you know motif is to acknowledge what are often very painful histories of different groups in the u.s. as professor um hang was pointing to and to simply say regardless of how we came to be here you know we need to think about what kind of stance we take today V the V others who were still just arriving I had on something to that to that was a really wonderful question I think something that a lot of us have been thinking and talking about so I was also talking with my students about this this discourse around the nation of immigrants last week after reading the focaccia rose book and in that book she briefly makes the point that documentation is so central to personhood in Republican democracy and so my students and I were thinking about how organizing could happen on the basis not of identity categories but on relationships to the state that are structured by document and that all kinds of groups can mobilize around document and they're their failures in ways that could pull some really interesting possibilities for organizing so people coming out of prison who struggle to get a first certificate homeless people who often don't have a lease right so that this idea so that's just one example of how it's shifting away from an identity based category like immigrants broadly speaking or the undocumented more particularly and there's legal scholars believe who are writing about this the limits of identity based and status categories and instead thinking about processes in relationship to in this case paperwork make America Mexico again I know but you know it organizing around documents I understand that I don't mean to poopoo all right I'll just talk about our definitive organizing around family I think is a possibility because there have been various iterations of Simpsons attack on family it's it's like a sport in Washington DC every couple of years is attack on family immigration it puts us in a position of some how we're supposed to were weak on immigration because we favor immigration I mean family it's kind of weird but one of the biggest allies of family immigration actions that I found when when I testified at lobbied is the black Congressional Caucus actually because they actually have made correlations between what happened during slavery and the breakup of families with the attempt to break up immigrant families hi so I have a question for Lara in regard to the dual migration streams and the special.we organization of whiteness so I'm wondering what planning designs impact on Latino populations in suburbia can they rebuild in the in the city in the same way that you explained in your presentation can you repeat the first part about YouTube land design Demelza yeah like plan or design can they rebuild these communities the jury's out the most people believe probably not so are you referring to the kinds of design games that are building on the things that Latino people are already doing to propose these new kinds of development is that what you're thinking of I'm thinking more about make from an urban and regional planning perspective the design of the suburb like what may be the challenges in limitations of creating these spaces in this spatial identity yeah definitely in terms of creating places that are more inclusive yeah we're looking though I showed a picture of the Pico Rivera sports arena and in 15 on the one hand to be a really internationally known and influential physical space and yet this place is totally precarious it is you know constantly at risk of bankruptcy it has never been in the black I would get those confused in the black and that has everything to do with the ways that Latino migration to suburbia since the 1960's but especially since the 1980s have coincided with the industrialization so William Fulton who believe a political scientist and a planner has written about this in an article in his book and he refers to this as suburbs of extraction so there was an interesting phenomenon that happened in Los Angeles County where Latinos start moving in 2d industrialized places because they were cheap and so they become demographic majorities and they start electing representatives at this and so you have the majority Latino cities at the same moment in which there are almost no resources to control and so in those contexts Latino elected officials in theory have a lot of power and these are suburbs right they have a lot of political power but almost no material basis to to distribute right so what they have done as Alton documented was created pawnshops they've tried to lure casinos racetracks other kinds of exploitive industry so the pink odor that a sports arena actually emerges out of a context like that Pico Rivera at the time that this was created was something like sixty five percent Latino it had three Latino City Council members out of a board of five and yet the lease of this thing from the moment it was constructed there were design flaws and again it remains because of the tax base in the area it remains really really always threatened so I dig it that's not a residential warm introduced kind of community but that does I think point to the larger structural context that make exercising cultural citizenship in suburban space really hard and it's always framed around the larger context of where the resources have gone in this case they're they're often not in the suburbs anymore they're in the central cities now again because of gentrification and they're in new in the exurbs far-flung suburbs outside of even suburbs and in rural areas of the country so the suburbs have become odd leads of some of the hardest places to do those things even though even when they do become accessible you I ought to thank you all [Music] okay better okay um thank you all for your talk so I actually I wanted to follow up on a question with Laura what is what what is the like populations which are in that you're identifying and having a sort of chattel masculinity what is their political rhetoric what are they thinking about what it like are they are they also people who are attending like immigrant sort of rights rallies like what it was do you know anything about them in that room so my study is mostly historical and historically they have been moderates not left wingers and in fact there have been one of the things that my book looks at in the nineteen seventies is how shadows explicitly identified themselves as the more moderate political Latinos in comparison to Chicano often they were coming from the same family and so that it was you know shadows tend to be a little older actually like 30s 40s and so often they would have like college-age sons and so there are family tensions around political ideology as a class they have tended to be homeowners they can be socially liberal on some issues but tend to be economically conservative and so they're kind of a moderate class but complex within that yeah and that'll be our last question my you our last question for you and I what I start with thank you so much with all of you for such a wonderful panel I feel like I learned a lot of afternoon and I have kind of a generalized question that I think a lot of you have touched on already but I was curious to hear more about what you think of this particular moment as a time of race mating both through the legal policies that Professor King talked about that are being enacted as far as thinking of if we are in a moment when America is more diverse than ever before and coming out of a time when there was a lot of talk about color blindness are going beyond race we're definitely now in a moment where racial categories are very much in the media and hardening in certain ways and I'm just curious about whether I going back to what Aliyah had mentioned before about whether this is a moment of the possibility of racial coalition and building or it's a time of closing doors and closing ranks and certain ways around race making and racial identities I'm just curious to hear you yeah that's a great question Emma I think that in some ways the bright side of you know what's going on right now is that I think we are seeing a lot more solidarity work and coalition building even if it's temporary even if it only comes together around you know the airport that was after the Muslim ban or you know other crises with the coda axis pipeline etc but what what I have found really remarkable is the way with the way in which people who support there's a go to access pipeline also understand what the problems are with the Muslim immigration man also are sympathetic to the black lives matter movement and LGBT rights and all sorts of other issues that I think you know we would associate with progressives or the left so and I see a lot of possibility there you know what I want to be optimistic and I would take us back to the fact that I think the folks who have you know been able to unleash their xenophobia their racism their misogyny and you know their transphobia homophobia at this particular moment have been emboldened you know with with the election of the occupant of the White House but although they've gotten the microphone right now I think and are able to feel perhaps empowered or validated in their feelings and you know their anxieties and their angst they're still a minority I think you know the folks who support that kind of politics and you can't change I mean you can't stop the demographic changes that are coming in you know now and in the future so so I think that we have to seize upon this moment to you know figure out what we will look like in 10 20 30 years and how we will continue to support the rights of anyone who's marginalized or oppressed in our society you know I am repeating myself from what I said a little long ago but yeah I mean this this is a special time this is special challenge to communities of color to come together because and again I'm about to say something that is not my creation it's other people smarter than me have come up with an including people on this panel it's Donald Trump was created by the Republican Party he here's a tag it's not just an arrogance it's of tax on black it attacks our upon women and the they he and the Republican Party have been trying to put blacks in their place they have been totally unsympathetic to the over-policing of the black community and buying in to the broken windows theory of leasing etc and that's something they've been talking about for generations and the anti-immigrant stuff goes even further back and when the Republicans were surprised but somehow he this this monster appeared it was their Frankenstein because he just logged on to all the stuff that he learned from them that was going to make him saleable to the Republican base and we find out there's a huge a much bigger he provoking base out there than we all thought and so yeah I mean it's a challenge to us that that we should we better stand up together on this because it's not looking good and if he sticks is this anti-syrian thing he's going to be a president during wartime and his popular is going to rise and I'm really concerned about that thank you so much thank you professor King Fernandes Farrakhan Perry for taking the time for being here today and thank you everybody who stayed all the way and I hope that today's you've not only learned more about the u.s. immigration regime and the politics of belonging and it seems that belonging is part of what's at stake here in our country today thank you so much for your time and your appointment questions and we welcome you to join us across the street at the closing ceremony our closing reception not ceremony they'll be food and it's at the Center for race and ethnicity and it is building across the street it has a purple door it's 96 watermen Street thank you again and please help me applaud our keynote and panelists speakers [Applause] ched dissertation grants Empire State College.

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